China’s growing dominance in Africa is rarely overt. Instead of military bases or flag waving infrastructure inaugurations, it proceeds quietly through economic encroachment and strategic debt. This is China’s “silent conquest” of Africa.
Although in the Indian subcontinent, Sri Lanka offers the most vivid warning. In 2017, unable to repay a billion-dollar Chinese loan, the Sri Lankan government was compelled to lease Hambantota Port and adjacent lands to a Chinese state enterprise for 99 years. This was not simply a financial deal; it was the ceding of sovereign territory with latent military implications. In Africa, similar patterns are emerging with alarming frequency.
Zambia’s debt to China has surpassed six billion dollars. Concerns have mounted that ZESCO, the national electricity utility, may be collateralized in the event of default. Leaked documents and stalled audits reinforce fears of strategic asset forfeiture. In Nigeria, over five billion dollars in Chinese loans have funded critical infrastructure under agreements that often bypass the nation’s legal syatem, granting China considerable leverage in the event of disputes. These clauses are opaque and rarely debated in public forums. Civil society and lawmakers are rightfully worried that national autonomy is being sold off in increments.
In Somalia, Chinese support for road construction and urban development is intertwined with limited public transparency and weak institutional oversight. Chinese influence in Mogadishu, closely aligned with that of Turkey, has formed an axis of external control in a state that cannot meet its own security or budgetary needs. Allegations of unexplained wealth surrounding President Hassan Sheikh Mohamud and his inner circle further illustrate the risks of unchecked foreign entanglements.
China’s political leverage was also evident in Somalia’s decision to ban Taiwanese citizens from entering Somaliland’s airspace—a move widely viewed as Chinese effort to undermine the burgeoning relationship between Taiwan and Somaliland. The move was met with condemnation from the United States, which invoked the Taipei Act to register its disapproval. The ban also placed Somalia at odds with democratic donors, jeopardizing development assistance and isolating the country further.
Beijing’s strategy extends beyond bilateral engagements. Its economic influence has translated into political capital within global institutions. In the United Nations General Assembly, the African voting bloc—increasingly indebted to China—often aligns with Beijing on key resolutions, challenging the institution’s ability to uphold democratic values and norms.
To respond to these challenges, the United States must act with precision and principle. America’s strategic interests require deeper, more equitable engagement across the African continent. That includes strengthening the Partnership for Global Infrastructure and Investment (PGII), not as a vague ambition, but as a defined, funded and continent specific program. In addition, a similar dedicated US Africa initiative could provide a better focused, reliable alternative for infrastructure development, digital ecosystems and credible security partnerships.
Nowhere is this engagement more urgent than in the Horn of Africa, and no country in the region offers the US a clearer opportunity than the Republic of Somaliland. A politically stable and democratically governed country that occupies a geostrategic position of vital importance. It lies along the Bab el Mandeb Strait, a maritime route through which nearly 10 percent of global trade flows. Its location alone makes it a valuable partner in ensuring freedom of navigation and countering authoritarian expansion.
Equally important, Somaliland is rich in untapped hydrocarbons and rare earth minerals, including gold, lithium, copper and silver. Although unrecognized, it holds regular multiparty elections and has maintained internal stability for over three decades. Somaliland also fulfills the universally accepted criteria for statehood under the Montevideo Convention in that it has a permanent population, a defined territory, a functioning government and the capacity to enter into relations with other states. The former British protectorate gained independence on June 26, 1960 and was recognized by the international community. Its subsequent union with Somalia was never ratified, violating Article 11 of the Vienna Convention on the Law of Treaties. After years of violence, genocide and state collapse, Somaliland reclaimed its independence in 1991. A 2001 national referendum reaffirmed that decision.
For the US, formal recognition of Somaliland’s sovereignty could represent a diplomatic masterstroke, a strategic pivot in offsetting China’s influence across Africa. A strong US-Somaliland relationship would provide a vital counterweight to Beijing’s growing presence in Mogadishu and elsewhere in the region. It would also create a base of democratic cooperation along one of the world’s most strategic and sensitive shipping corridors. Recognition would also signal America’s commitment to rewarding democratic governance and stability. Somaliland has held regular multiparty elections for over three decades and maintained internal peace in one of the world’s most volatile regions. It offers the United States an opportunity to support a self-reliant, democratic partner rather than an aid-dependent state vulnerable to external manipulation.
China’s expanding presence in Africa is not unstoppable. Across the continent, reformers, civil society groups and citizens are pushing back, demanding accountability, transparency and genuine partnership. Africa does not need tokenism or symbolic engagement, but a credible alternative to China’s debt driven model.
If the United States is to reclaim its relevance in Africa, it must bring vision and commitment to the table. The defining measure of great influence in the coming decades will not be hard power or military engagement, which undermines both economic progress and political stability, but rather the policies and partnerships each of these two major contenders has to offer Africa. A principled US-Somaliland relationship, grounded on democratic values and mutual respect, would be a credible and enduring place to begin.
In this context, Congressman Scott Perry’s introduction of the Republic of Somaliland Independence Act in the United States House of Representatives represents a timely and strategic development. It affirms that recognition of Somaliland is not only morally sound and legally justified, but also fully aligned with the national interests of the United States. The proposed legislation offers a clear and credible congressional pathway toward formal diplomatic recognition and merits broad bipartisan support.
This moment also presents a strategic opportunity for Somaliland’s close partner, the Republic of China (Taiwan), to discreetly lobby the 229 member Congressional Taiwan Caucus, the largest caucus in the U.S. Congress, in support of the bill.
For its part, the Republic of Somaliland must launch a focused public diplomacy and media outreach campaign in Washington to build the necessary momentum and ensure the legislation gains meaningful traction.
About the Author
Ambassador Mahmoud Adam Jama Galaal currently serves as the Republic of Somaliland’s Representative to Taiwan. A seasoned diplomat and politician with extensive experience in African and Asian geopolitics. Ambassador Galaal has held multiple senior government positions,
including Ambassador to Ethiopia, State Minister for Planning and National Development, and State Minister for Health. He has represented Somaliland in high-level negotiations across the Horn of Africa, the Middle East, and Asia, and is widely recognised for his expertise in regional security and development strategy. His work draws on a strong background in law, governance, public policy, and international advocacy.
By Ambassador Mahmoud Adam Jama Galaal